Tag Archive for: alaska

Fair Maps and Power Grabs

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New legislative district boundaries are drawn every ten years based on the most recent census data. In 2021 the Alaska Redistricting Board adopted a final redistricting plan for Alaska, which delineates the districts legislators will represent. The politics of redistricting are rife with power grabs, and the maps are almost always litigated.

The balance of power in the Legislature is closely divided between Republicans and the Tri-Partisan coalition of Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. The Redistricting Board is composed of a majority of Republicans, and the outcome was a map that was challenged in court on numerous fronts. The central point was that the state Senate district pairing part of east Anchorage and Eagle River constituted an “unconstitutional political gerrymander.” The court agreed and gave the Redistricting Board until April 15 to revise its maps.

Each Senate District contains two House districts. In the case of the Eagle River/East Anchorage gerrymander, the Redistricting Board adopted a Senate District that, instead of combining the two staunchly conservative Eagle River House districts, merged one of the conservative Eagle River districts with a more moderate Muldoon district. Notably, that district in question has a much greater BIPOC population than Eagle River. Should the courts have left the Senate district in place, the effect would have been a district that watered down the voting impact of Muldoon residents. There was intense disagreement from Melanie Bahnke and Nicole Borromeo, the only two redistricting board members not appointed by staunch Republicans–and the only two Alaska Native women on the Board. Ms. Bahnke and Borromeo stood up to the rest of the Board when this plan was adopted on a majority line vote, and their fight for fair representation ultimately prevailed.

The Alaska Redistricting Board has been required by the courts to revise their maps so that Alaskan voices are more equitably represented. The Redistricting Board will take public testimony tomorrow (Saturday, April 2) at 2:00 p.m. To participate in:
Anchorage, call 907-563-9085
Juneau: 907-586-9085
Other: 844-586-9085.

This Saturday is a critical opportunity to submit comments to the Redistricting Board. If you cannot be at Saturday’s meeting, you can also submit written comments in advance at https://www.akredistrict.org/map-comment/

The main talking points are:

The Board should act immediately to comply with the court’s requirements and minimize confusion if this process is dragged out. It is in the public interest to swiftly adopt a map with final senate pairings so that voters can familiarize themselves with their new districts, precincts, and voting locations, on top of a new election system (RCV) and an unprecedented special election. The redistricting Board has an obligation to the public to resolve this quickly to avoid voter confusion and disenfranchisement.

In Anchorage, the Board should adopt the Senate pairings proposed by Redistricting Board member Melanie Bahnke instead of coming up with new pairings. These pairings, proposed by Melanie Bahnke, have been presented and considered on the record and were informed by public input and testimony. These pairings do not change districts’ underlying deviation and uphold the one person, one vote principle. In addition, they are the common-sense geographic and socioeconomic pairings (keeping Muldoon w/ Muldoon, West Anc. w/ West Anc, Eagle River w/ Eagle River, etc.).

Plan to participate and help secure Alaska’s more just and equitable redistricting map.

Thank you!
The Alaska Center

It’s baaaaack!

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Last week, we wrote about the approximately $5 Million that the Governor is requesting for the Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) to hire 32 full-time staff to take over and administer wetland dredge and fill permitting currently done by the federal government EPA. Ironically, at the same time that DEC is asking for more responsibility over permitting (to benefit large scale mining development); they are also trying to dodge their responsibility to administer protections for high ecological value waters under the federal Outstanding National Resource Waters. Instead, they have introduced HB 398, which would require that the Legislature take responsibility.

HB 398 is the 2022 version of a bill that has been around for many many years, and different legislative sessions – yet has never enjoyed enough support to pass. In essence, it would require that high-value water protection be determined by the state legislature instead of through DEC regulation. HB 398 seeks to make it impossible for Alaskans to protect waters of high ecological value as Tier III waters under the Clean Water Act. Right now, federal law requires states to craft a process for citizens to nominate pristine high-value (fish spawning, culturally critical, etc.) top Tier or Tier III waters for protection from pollution. DEC is legally authorized to protect waters under a Tier III status, but they don’t want to do it.

Instead of DEC simply taking legal responsibility to protect high-value waters nominated by Alaskans, they propose HB 398, which creates more bureaucracy, expense, and red tape that strips Alaskans of our right to protect our waters. This bill is bad.

It would remove Alaskan’s right to have a voice in protecting water in Alaska by putting the power in the hands of politicians instead of the experts with Indigenous, local, and scientific knowledge.

It would allow committee chairs in the House and Senate to prevent Tier III nominations from moving through the Legislature, creating a de facto ban on water protections.

It would take power away from Alaskans and give an upper hand to outside mining companies and big businesses with no interest in protecting our fisheries and the clean water.

It would create additional bureaucracy, expense, and political paralysis that leaves our most essential and vulnerable waterways unprotected.

It would put our $2 billion salmon industry at risk.

It would silence constituents from being a part of the decision-making process around the use of waters integral to our cultures, livelihoods, and survival.

Legislative attorneys have time and again concluded that DEC can already establish and administer a process for Alaskans to seek the protection of high-value water through agency regulation. DEC has time and time again sought to shirk its responsibility, hiding behind bogus legal interpretations and philosophical objections.

Why should the Legislature approve increasing the budget to give DEC the complex responsibility of permitting mining projects in wetlands that support our salmon when, simultaneously, DEC is telling everyone with HB 398 that it does not want to be the agency to protect salmon?

Keep an eye on this bad bill.

Wetland Permitting

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The Dunleavy Administration is making a push in their budget proposal this year to take over wetland development permitting from the federal government. The proposed allocation of 4.9 million dollars in the Governor’s budget before the legislature would initiate a process where the state Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) would assume “primacy” from the federal Environmental Protection Agency over permitting development activities that impact wetlands protected under section 404 of the Clean Water Act.

Well-functioning and intact wetlands are critical to the protection of salmon, especially in their early stages of life. Wetlands and peatlands also serve a climate-protecting function, a major force in earthly carbon sequestration. The Biden Administration will likely be expanding the protection of wetlands which was decreased under the Trump Administration.

There are downsides with the state primacy of wetland permitting. The cost and complexity of a wetland permitting program is the main factor why only three states out of fifty have assumed primacy. This year, Alaska’s fiscal situation, buoyed up by high oil prices and federal dollars, is not in the long-term position to attract and retain the 28 new full-time employees requested to administer the wetland permitting function or even ensure these positions have funding into the future. Indeed, DEC has seen some of the most aggressive budget cuts of all state agencies over the past decade. (None of this is to point out the blatant irony of our red-pen Governor proposing a budget growth to make the state pay for something that the Federal Government provides freely.)

The cozy relationship between industry and regulatory agencies in Alaska is another cause for concern. The current Commissioner of DEC used to lobby on behalf of the Pebble Mine project when he was a government relations staff for the Anglo-American mining company. Wetland permits are critical to large mining and other industrial operations, so putting this authority in a shop run by a mine promoter is, well, probably a pretty bad idea.

Under federal primacy, the EPA must conduct government-to-government consultation with Alaska Native Tribes regarding wetland permit decisions to seek input and mitigate impacts to the land and water on which Tribal members rely. Should the State of Alaska take over the wetland permitting program, Tribal consultation is not a legal requirement. For this reason alone, the legislature should scrap the state primacy proposal.

Our salmon runs are in a perilous state across much of Alaska. One outlier is Bristol Bay, where the rivers flow from millions of acres of intact wetlands, the beating heart of the largest and last greatest sockeye run on earth. The Dunleavy Administration, DEC, and mine promoters want state primacy over wetland permitting to streamline the industrialization of areas like the Bristol Bay watershed. Unable to prevail in the court of public opinion or with the Federal EPA, the Dunleavy Administration is now attempting an end-run around both to permit the Pebble Mine with a budget allocation that would put an enforcement agency in place more closely tied to big industrial concerns.

On Monday, March 14th, at 9 a.m., the Senate Finance Committee will hear from DEC on its wetland permitting primacy proposal. Tune in.

OPINION: When will Alaska’s youth finally be heard on the climate crisis?

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]Young people across Alaska are bewildered. We are scared, exhausted and furious. We have watched with frustration and deep anxiety as our state government continues to put fossil fuels above our futures, actively making the climate crisis worse and inducing devastating harms like melting permafrost, worsening wildfires, coastal erosion, and loss of sea and river ice.
For more than two decades, we, alongside many other young people in Alaska, have been fighting for the health, safety and sustainable ways of life of our villages and cities in the halls of our government. Through the Alaska Youth for Environmental Action (AYEA) program, young Alaskans like us have been working tirelessly for climate justice.
Since AYEA’s founding in 1998, thousands of Alaska youths have engaged in efforts urging Alaska’s political branches to stop actively contributing to the growing climate crisis through policies, protections of our sacred lands and waters, and more. In 2005, youths collected 5,000 signatures in support of climate action from teenagers in 150 Alaska villages and cities. In 2017, teens petitioned the state to reduce Alaska’s fossil fuel emissions. In 2019 and 2020, young Alaskans held climate strikes across the state, joining more than four million other young people around the globe and demanding a transition to 100% renewable clean energy. In 2021, we met with Alaska’s leadership, asking for legislation to transition off of fossil fuels. Again and again, Alaska youth have urged our government to change course and treat the climate crisis like the emergency that it is. Despite these efforts over the years, the government of Alaska continues to put fossil fuels above our right to a liveable climate.
We are in a critical moment to protect our rights as young people to a safe climate in Alaska, and we cannot afford to wait any longer.
On Feb. 25, the Alaska Supreme Court denied a petition for a rehearing of the youth-led constitutional climate case, Sagoonick v. State of Alaska. Brought by 16 young Alaskans, the youth plaintiffs’ case challenged the state’s policies that promote fossil fuels for causing Alaska’s climate crisis and endangering our health, safety, communities, cultures and overall futures as Alaskans.
On Jan. 28, in a split decision, the Alaska Supreme Court shut the courthouse doors on these young Alaskans with three of the five justices ruling that the courts could not even hear evidence of how they have been harmed by the actions of their own government.
The majority also said that Alaska’s government had already considered the youths’ concerns when they met with AYEA in 2017 and encouraged us to continue advocating our cause to the executive and legislative branches. But today, the question still remains of what that meeting achieved and what actions were taken to demonstrate that the state of Alaska cares about what its young people have to say. Did our government reverse course and stop contributing to the climate crisis that threatens our very futures? Did they end their policies that actively cause us harm? No, instead it was all decidedly shallow lip service. It is clearer now more than ever that the legislative and executive branches will continue putting fossil fuels over our lives if the third branch of government — our courts — won’t even allow youths through the courthouse doors. It is the duty of our courts to protect our rights, but first they have to hear our claims.
But there is still hope. Two of the justices in the case dissented, and had even just one other justice joined them, the court would have established a constitutional right to a livable climate.
The dissent shows that the tide of climate justice in Alaska’s courts is turning, but first we need Alaska’s courts to open their doors to us now. With the Legislature and the executive branch continuing to make the climate crisis worse every day, we have no choice but to keep fighting in the courts to secure constitutional protection. Only the judicial branch can protect our rights. Our legal fight for climate justice is not over, but the question remains: when will Alaska’s courts allow our voices to be heard?
Shanelle Afcan is an AYEA graduate from Nunam Iqua
Cassidy Austin-Merlino is an AYEA graduate from McCarthy
AYEA is a program of The Alaska Center Education Fund.
Originally published 3/8/2022 in the Anchorage Daily News\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

Renewable Portfolio Standards drive innovation and economic development

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The role of government in pushing different sectors of the economy to innovate through policy, tax incentives, and funding is well established. While some may oppose a mandatory Renewable Portfolio Standard or RPS policy to push electric utilities to generate or purchase more renewable energy, there is at least a broad historical precedent for the success of the policy.

The benefits of an RPS include economic development and construction and maintenance jobs to create the new generation facilities. For customers, increased renewable energy will put (in the parlance of utility managers) “downward pressure” on the rates we pay per kilowatt-hour. The transmission constraints and bottlenecks will have to be addressed for Alaska’s railbelt to achieve the proposed 80% renewable energy by 2040, and that is a good thing. Transmission upgrades build a bigger freeway for electrons to travel on and build important resiliency in our Alaskan system that’s subject to the weather rigors we know and love, not to mention natural disasters.

Jobs, innovative technologies, likely lower electric rates, and increased transmission system efficiency are not bad things. Considering that transportation and industry are both likely to move toward electric power soon and increase the load on the system as a whole both day and night, and considering the rapid advancement of battery storage to levelize the peaks and valleys of some renewables (as well as old and proven storage technology option of pumped hydro) the concerns of utility managers about renewable energy load variability are surmountable.

Judging by the discussion in the first Senate hearing on the Governors RPS legislation, there seems to be an interest expressed by some committee members in adding micro-nuclear reactors as an option for utilities to meet their RPS goals. This is a non-starter and likely would be opposed even by the Governor. Adding an unproven technology like micro-nuclear reactors into a policy that puts utilities on a time-sensitive course for achieving renewable energy goals could be a hindrance, not to mention the other negatives associated with nuclear (security threat, waste storage, etc.) There is a stand-alone bill pertaining to small nuclear generators, and in a stand-alone bill, it should remain.

Next week, the House Energy Committee will hold two hearings on the RPS bill (HB 301). The first hearing is on Tuesday, March 8 at 10:15 a.m., and the second on Thursday at 10:15 a.m. These will be excellent opportunities for the public to learn more about the RPS. In addition, The Alaska Center will be hosting a webinar on March 10 at noon with House Energy Committee Chair, Representative Calvin Schrage as well as members of the National Renewable Energy Laboratory to discuss what an RPS is, the outlook for the policy this session, and how you can be involved.

If you’re interested in attending here is the registration information!

It is an exciting week ahead for the future of Alaska. Plan to tune in!

Climate Rights

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]Do current and future generations have a constitutional right to a safe climate? Sixteen youth plaintiffs filed a constitutional climate lawsuit against their state government in 2017 to argue that we do have such a right. 
In Sagoonick v. State of Alaska, the young plaintiffs assert that Alaska’s fossil fuel energy policy and the State-authorized fossil fuel development and ensuing greenhouse gas emissions that result have caused and contributed to Alaska’s climate crisis. The policies have placed the youth plaintiffs in danger and are harming their health, safety, homes, culture, and Native villages in violation of Alaska’s Constitution.
On January 28, 2022, in a split 3-2 decision, the Alaska Supreme Court ruled against the young plaintiffs. On February 7, the youth plaintiffs filed a petition for rehearing of their case, asking the Court to reconsider its decision and allow their case to go forward. The youth were disappointed about the February 25 denial of their petition, but the fight is far from over. 
State lawmakers have taken note of how close the decision in Sagoonick was. Representative Ben Carpenter, a Republican from the fossil-fuel embracing town of Nikiski, took to the House Floor to make a note of this. Representative Carpenter stated, “this isn’t going away” and that “the implication here…is that State…oil exploration policy…our energy policies…need to be adjusted for an individual’s right to have a safe climate.”  
While some lawmakers may take the close decision as a warning that the state’s petroleum industry is under attack by the youth, Carpenter’s words offered another assessment – sobering to some – that the courts are coming around to the idea of a right to a safe climate.   
Suppose an industry or a policy effectively uses our atmosphere as a dumping place for a chemical byproduct that is enough quantity can put into question the ability of mammals to survive on the planet. In that case, you bet today’s young people should try their level best to stop any additional inputs of that chemical byproduct. The courts are taking note of the danger ahead if we cannot radically decrease the emissions of CO2 and methane into the air. Too much is at stake for this issue to just go away. Expect future lawsuits, legislation, and petitions for rulemaking from the young people of our state and nation.  
Government regulations on industry are in place to protect our health and, ultimately, our individual freedom. The brave youth plaintiffs in Sagoonick v. State of Alaska are fighting for our individual health, individual freedom, and collective health and freedom. These youth are true patriots, and their actions resonate with other youth. Change is coming.
Yours,
The Alaska Center\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][cs_element_section _id=”5″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”6″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”7″ ][cs_element_button _id=”8″ ][cs_content_seo]Voice Your Support on March 1st\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][cs_element_section _id=”9″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”10″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”11″ ][cs_element_button _id=”12″ ][cs_content_seo]Bills To Watch This Week\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][cs_element_layout_column _id=”13″ ][cs_element_button _id=”14″ ][cs_content_seo]Learn More About Bills This Session\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

Tribal Recognition Now

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]HB 123, a bill to institute official state recognition of Indigenous Tribes in Alaska, has a long list of bipartisan legislative co-sponsors. A proposed citizens initiative that would do the same thing has an impressive 53,000 signatures (state law only required 36,140 signatures to make the ballot). The tribal recognition campaign has surpassed this benchmark by orders of magnitude, proving a popular and necessary policy. State law also provides the state legislature the opportunity to pass significantly similar legislation ahead of a vote on a ballot measure, hence HB 123.
House Bill 123, introduced by Rep. Tiffany Zulkosky, will require the State of Alaska to recognize Alaska’s federally recognized tribes. The federal government has a special and unique relationship with tribes that the State formally acknowledges. HB 123 will codify in Alaska law that federally recognized tribes are sovereign governments. It does not change any legal relationship. State recognition of tribes will honor the first peoples of this land and the historical, economic, and cultural value they bring to the State.
The federal government recognizes 229 tribes in Alaska. For context – there are 574 federally recognized tribes nationwide. According to the Bureau of Indian Affairs: “A federally recognized tribe is an American Indian or Alaska Native tribal entity that is recognized as having a government-to-government relationship with the United States, with the responsibilities, powers, limitations, and obligations attached to that designation, and is eligible for funding and services from the Bureau of Indian Affairs.”
A policy to recognize tribes in Alaska will help build trust and respect in the State of Alaska’s relationship with Tribes. While Alaska has a long history of explicitly denying tribal recognition following statehood and the later passage of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, it is high time we respect the sovereignty of tribal governments. One of the most poignant quotes on the matter, courtesy of Native Peoples Action “The foundation of any relationship is first recognition.”
HB 123 will be heard, and public testimony will be taken at 3:30 pm on Tuesday, February 15, in the Senate State Affairs Committee. Please consider signing up to testify by calling 907-465-4648 or send a note of support to Senate.State.Affairs@akleg.gov
In recognition of the critical importance of Alaska Native Tribal members in dismantling the racism and colonialism in state law, please join The Alaska Center on Elizabeth Peratrovich Day, February 16, from 1 pm-2:30 pm for a screening of “For the Rights of All: Ending Jim Crow in Alaska” followed by small group discussions. You can register here.

Alaska Native Peoples have faced countless obstacles in the fight for equal access to decision-making in our State. Elizabeth Peratrovich, an Alaska Native Sisterhood Grand President and a member of the Lukaax̱. ádi clan in the Raven moiety of the Tlingit nation fought at the forefront. Organizing innumerable community members, she paved the way to ensure Indigenous peoples today can access housing, education, careers, and even citizenship rights. We keep up her fight, and on Elizabeth Peratrovich Day, we honor her with a virtual community event.
Join us to see how she advocated for all Alaskans, and together let’s talk about how we can keep her legacy alive in our work moving forward!
The Alaska Center

\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][cs_element_section _id=”5″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”6″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”7″ ][cs_element_button _id=”8″ ][cs_content_seo]Bills To Watch This Week\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][cs_element_layout_column _id=”9″ ][cs_element_button _id=”10″ ][cs_content_seo]Learn More About Bills This Session\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

The Expel Eastman Edition

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]At The Alaska Center, we believe a true Democracy is one in which everyone feels safe, respected, and able to participate in public discourse. We entrust our elected leaders to uphold these values, and be accountable to the principles of truth, justice, and equality. They should follow the Alaska Constitution, the fundamental governing document of the State of Alaska.
Oath Keeper Representative David Eastman has clearly violated these principles and duties of his office, and should be expelled from the State House. His organization, The Oath Keepers, took part in the seditious and deadly activities of January 6th, 2021 – a date none of us should ever forget as it is a milestone of domestic terrorism and an assault on our Democracy. Allowing a member of an organization involved in sedition to serve in the Legislature normalizes the member’s activities and that must not occur.
Article XII Section 4 of Alaska’s Constitution is clear:
No person who advocates, or who aids or belongs to any party or organization or association which advocates, the overthrow by force or violence of the government of the United States or of the State shall be qualified to hold any public office of trust or profit under this Constitution.”

The plain reading of our Constitution applies directly to Eastman: he has admitted to being a life member of an organization that sought to overthrow our democracy on January 6th. He was at the rally that led to the deadly violence in our nation’s capital. Allowing him to remain in the Legislature sends a message that violent and racist insurrections are “legitimate political discourse.”
In November of 2021 a large group of fellow West Point Alumni penned a letter to Eastman telling him to resign. Their message was clear:
“You were present in Washington, D.C. on January 6, protesting this fair and free election. You falsely blamed the day’s violence on “Antifa,” but it is clear the criminal acts were carried out by right-wing insurrectionists… What moved us to public comment was the revelation that you are a life member of one such insurrectionist group: the Oath Keepers, one of the largest far right anti-government groups in the United States. More than a dozen Oath Keepers have been charged with crimes for their role on January 6… You have stated that you “will always consider it a privilege” to belong to Oath Keepers. Membership in the Oath Keepers, or any other organization—left or right—calling for violence against our Constitutional system of government, is wildly at odds with the bedrock values of West Point, as well as with the legal oath you swore when you became a member of the Alaska Legislature.”

The message of the Alaska State House of Representatives should also be clear: Eastman is unfit by his actions, and by our state’s Constitution to continue to bear the honor and responsibility of Representative. The defense of Eastman by members of the House minority so far has been disturbing, especially after so many other racist and reprehensible offenses by him that led to his earlier censure. But if the House does not take action in this moment to denounce Eastman, they are being complicit in undermining our Democracy.  There will be a hearing on the Oath Keepers today in the House Military and Veterans Affairs Committee today at 1:00 p.m (tune in below). 

While a hearing is fine, we already know that The Oath Keeper organization is unambiguously dangerous to our American Democracy.  Oath Keeper David Eastman, who advocates for the violent overthrow of Democracy, is not fit to be a representative in this Democracy and must be expelled. Contact your legislator today and tell them that in Alaska our values include protecting Democracy.

The Alaska Center

\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][cs_element_section _id=”5″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”6″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”7″ ][cs_element_button _id=”8″ ][cs_content_seo]Tune In To The Hearing Here\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][cs_element_layout_column _id=”9″ ][cs_element_button _id=”10″ ][cs_content_seo]Contact Your State Legislator\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

Renewable Energy Goals

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]We don’t often say nice things about our Governor, and that is because we disagree with many of his policies and tactics wholeheartedly. For instance, one of his first moves as Governor was to dismantle the Climate Action Leadership Team that The Alaska Center, Alaska Youth For Environmental Action, numerous partners, and frontline community members worked hard to help establish under the previous administration. However, in the case of a policy that will help our state do its part to combat emissions, we agree wholeheartedly with his proposed Renewable Portfolio Standard introduced today.
What is a Renewable Portfolio Standard, or an RPS as it is commonly called? It is a policy that requires utilities to sell electricity from renewable sources by specific dates or face financial penalties.
In short, an RPS for Alaska will push our electric utilities to accelerate their trajectory away from fossil fuel power generation. It will push utilities toward wind, solar, geothermal, tidal, and hydro projects, either funded by the utility itself or purchased from a company called an Independent Power Producer.
We at The Alaska Center, through programs such as Solarize Anchorage, Solarize MatSu, and Solarize Fairbanks, have actively organized Alaskans in support of increased renewable energy. We have helped elect members to Utility Boards that support increasing renewables. An RPS is something we are confident Alaska utilities can achieve when working together.
SB 179 and HB 301, the Governor’s bills call for regulated electric utilities to achieve benchmark renewable energy goals: 20% by the end of 2025, 30% by 2030, 55% by 2035, and 80% by 2040. Numerous exemptions are designed to accommodate utilities and help them reach the goal. For instance, should a major natural disaster impact a utility’s ability to meet its renewable goal, it would grant an exemption from the non-compliance penalty.
Faced with steadily increasing natural gas prices, many utilities, pushed by their members and their boards of directors, have moved toward renewable energy. The Homer Electric Association has adopted an aggressive goal of achieving 50% renewable energy by 2025. Large batteries are being incorporated into the renewable energy strategy to help balance the variable energy inputs of renewable energy production.
The recent passage of legislation requiring the Regulatory Commission of Alaska to approve an Integrated Resource Plan for the railbelt will help guide the process of integrating an increase in renewable energy and will provide the public and utilities with a process-oriented approach to the construction of new generation facilities. This legislation will help Alaskans avoid an ad-hoc, willy-nilly scramble by individual utilities toward renewable energy projects and instead will set standards and requirements for the projects on a regional basis.
While the Governor’s bills have a long and winding road through the committee process, the fact that this policy has been introduced is a good thing.
In hope,
 The Alaska Center

\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][cs_element_section _id=”5″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”6″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”7″ ][cs_element_button _id=”8″ ][cs_content_seo]Bills To Watch This Week\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][cs_element_layout_column _id=”9″ ][cs_element_button _id=”10″ ][cs_content_seo]Learn More About Bills This Session\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

New Year, New Session 2022

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Happy New Year and new Legislative Session from The Alaska Center. We anticipate both opportunity and struggle in the year ahead, another year in the lifetime work of protecting and nurturing our Democracy and saving our home from the ravages of climate change.  

The 2022 legislative session will likely be consumed with election-year grandstanding antics. We already see some of this in the move by the Dunleavy Administration to remove the more or less moderate and politically seasoned Lt. Governor Kevin Meyer as a running mate – due in part to his honesty about the Division of Elections efforts in the 2021 elections and the fact that they are considered the most secure and legitimate in history.  

This runs counter to partisan lies about elections that exposed much of the Right to be in a feverish tilt toward authoritarianism. Though it likely was not the Lt. Governor’s decision to leave the ticket, it is good for his legacy that he will not be made to bow in fealty to the dangerous bullpucky of the new Right. The Governor will be introducing new election legislation soon, and we will be monitoring it closely for poison pills relating to voting rights and election subversion.  

As we recognized the one-year anniversary of the bloody insurrection of January 6, 2021, it is clear that we can never back down from the effort to halt legislation that would erode democratic norms. We all must work as if the future of the country depends on it to end the politics that ultimately seek to facilitate violence between Americans.   

The list of pre-filed legislation for the 2022 legislative session hit the streets today. You can peruse the full list here. A second pre-file release is scheduled for next Friday, January 14, ahead of the convening of the legislature on January 18. There is no special magic to a pre-filed bill though it gives the sponsor a chance to introduce and develop an argument for the idea and get it into the public sphere in the relative quiet before the start of the session.   

We look forward to communicating with you after the second pre-file regarding our analysis of those bills that The Alaska Center supports and opposes in the raft of the pre-files. Lawmakers and staff are headed to Juneau by land, sea, and air as we speak. We wish them safe passage and a healthy session.

Here is to the future.

The Alaska Center Team

PS: We are evolving our blog this year to include the Legislature and beyond. We will still be a resource for legislative updates but are inviting more voices in and will be providing more insights into the way we can all engage to defend our democracy, push for proactive climate policies and ensure Alaskans are at the decision-making table.