The House xerox copies bad voting bills from the Senate super-minority

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A slew of bills pertaining to elections and voting saw airplay this week in the House State Affairs Committee. HB 1 intends to repeal Ranked Choice Voting/Open Primaries (bad), and HB 37 to institute ballot-curing, postage paid by mail envelopes, and a ballot tracking system (good) were heard on Tuesday and held in committee.

The House Judiciary Committee apparently believes that Senator Mike Shower – election denier par excellence, residing in one of the smallest conservative minorities in state history, should emerge from his sleepy senate backwaters to guide the work of a House standing committee. The House Judiciary Committee sponsored in rapid succession HB 129, HB 130, HB 131, and HB 132, which are all identical bills to those that Senator Shower prefiled earlier this session. They have a familiar theme: make it harder and more complicated for Alaskans to vote, elevate the phantasm of widespread voter fraud by toughening penalties for said offense, and give credence to the conspiracy that voting machines and vote tally systems were the cause of Donald Trump’s loss.

There are good faith changes that can be made to help Alaskans ensure that their votes are safe, secure, and counted. Ballot curing, ballot tracking, and a more robustly funded system for by-mail voting are good starting points. There is always room for improvement in our system.

The ever-sprawling, ever-shifting nature of conspiracy thinking makes good faith compromise challenging. Donald Trump tried to overthrow Democracy in America. Likely the majority of these bills would not have been introduced if he had prevailed, which is a tough pill to swallow when discussing compromise on voting reform measures. If a “reform” touted by a Trump supporter is based on empirically and legally wrong information, does it still get to play in the great field of legislative ideas? Apparently it does, considering the bills that House State Affairs is choosing to bring up. Whether it needs to become law is another question.

Ranked Choice Voting and Open Primaries won at the ballot box, decreased the power of political parties, and led to the largest field of mostly moderate freshmen lawmakers we have seen in decades. Those are factual statements. You can voice your support for RCV and against HB 1 here. When the House State Affairs Committee holds hearings on HB 1 to repeal RCV while hearing a slate of other bad voting bills, there is an implicit message that RCV is part of a greater conspiracy that the House Majority is addressing. We refute this idea, strenuously, because it is nonsense. Believe you me, we will fight any repeal attempt of RCV either in the legislature or at the ballot box with all available resources, strategies, tactics, and Alaskans we can muster.

The Senate Bi-Partisan supermajority has widely broadcasted that their agenda will focus toward the middle on education, retirement/employee retention, energy cost, and a few other issues. Only one of Senator Shower’s election bills has had a hearing in the Senate this session (after he consumed almost the entirety of his tenure last year as chair of Senate State Affairs on this type of bill). We don’t anticipate that there will be lots of patience in the Senate this year for the House’s posturing on their voting issues that are so profoundly suffused with the anti-democratic events of the recent past. While we’re hopeful, we encourage you to contact the legislature to let them know what you want to see.

Here’s to hoping,
The Alaska Center

An RPS Revival

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]The Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) policy has been revived and resurrected from the past legislature, and looks at this point much better than the version that died in committee last year. SB 101 was recently introduced in the Senate, and a companion was introduced in the House, HB 121. These bills establish renewable energy benchmarks for electric utilities to meet in an effort to transform our electric energy sources away from fossil fuels. Like last year’s proposal, utilities would be required to provide electricity from renewable energy resources in the following percentages and by the following dates – 25% by December 31, 2027; 55% by December 31, 2035; and 80% by December 31, 2040. If a good faith effort is not made by utilities to reach these percentages, fines are levied.
Unlike last year’s severely watered-down and over-complicated version – this new legislation starts fresh. It does not allow nuclear energy to be considered “renewable,” nor does it allow waste heat recovery from natural gas combustion to be categorized as “renewable.” Both items will surely be on the utility wish list for amendments to the RPS as it moves forward. To increase residential solar energy as a way of contributing more renewable electrons to the grid, the new RPS policy modifies the existing net energy metering policy by allowing home and business owners who put up solar panels and accrue credits for the energy production beyond what they use, to use these credits throughout the year. Current regulations require that all surplus energy is credited to your next month’s bill. This RPS also sweetens the solar pot by requiring that the credits for surplus energy be at the utility’s retail rate. Current solar regulations nickel-and-dime home solar producers by crediting their surplus energy at a much lower rate.
Anticipate electric utilities uniformly chafing at the idea of having their investment decisions mandated by the legislature, but don’t be fooled – transmission, generation, and distribution of electricity are inextricably linked to public regulation and swayed by public policy decisions. This happens daily, across the nation. To be fair, these decisions are complex. The process of filing tariffs and making rate cases before regulators can be time-consuming and costly, but it is simply the price of doing business as a utility.
Utility managers have a unique advantage in swaying lawmakers as they are the experts in the energy field, while most of our elected officials juggle general knowledge of multiple matters and seek out experts to inform their decisions. Hence, when a complex piece of legislation is brought up in committee, those with significant technical, financial, and legal knowledge are often given greater deference. However, in the case of our unique, member-owned, Board of Director-governed non-profit utilities, we Alaskan rate-payers need to be heard, loudly, in the legislative process. We are the ones paying extremely high electric rates as the price of natural gas increases due to looming supply shortages.
This is the right time for an RPS policy. The legislature has recently mandated that utilities work together to craft system reliability standards and a planning process for new generation. The federal government has unleashed billions of dollars for renewable energy, including a direct payment for non-profit utilities that build new renewable generation facilities. Utility managers are working together more collaboratively than in decades past on upgrading the railbelt transmission system and battery storage facilities. Also, of vast importance, the price of renewable energy is plummeting at a rate never before seen in history. At the same time, we are tied to a monopoly supply of natural gas in the Cook Inlet basin, ever increasing in cost despite years of subsidies from the state’s general fund.
Let’s keep the new RPS policy from falling prey to complex and unending rewrites and delay tactics, utility in-fighting, byzantine attorney tricks, and old costly dogmas about Alaska always and forever needing oil and gas to thrive. It’s time we move in an orderly fashion into the future that is renewable energy guided by a clear RPS policy. Write your legislators today, tell them Alaskans support the RPS.
Keep up the good work, friends, and we will talk to you soon.
The Alaska Center

\n\n[/cs_content_seo][cs_element_gap _id=”5″ ][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][cs_element_layout_row _id=”6″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”7″ ][cs_element_button _id=”8″ ][cs_content_seo]Bills To Watch\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][cs_element_layout_column _id=”9″ ][cs_element_button _id=”10″ ][cs_content_seo]More Hot Takes In A Cold Place\n\n[/cs_content_seo][/cs_element_layout_column][/cs_element_layout_row][/cs_element_section][/cs_content]

The Fight Against Discrimination Enters A New Round

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No legislative session is complete without controversy, and often this controversy is time-consuming and a distraction from the deep work needed to build up the state. The Governor’s introduction this week of a policy proposal to directly discriminate against LGBTQ youth in schools and prohibit discussion of gender identity and sexual education, among other items – under the guise of a “parental rights” bill – checked the box for the session.

The fact that this bill was never designed to pass, nor doing anything beyond whip up those on either side, is readily apparent due to the State Senate numbers. There is absolutely no chance, especially so after the Senate organized around a moderate majority, that this type of legislation will go anywhere. The Governor is apparently not a vote counter; instead, he is a counterproductive bully pulpiter. This invention of the far-right that LGBTQ individuals and Drag Queens represent an existential threat to America is perhaps the most deranged symptom of the far-right’s current illness.

The idea that the religious right-wing believes they own the term “Parental Rights” is sad, misguided, and arrogant. There are many more parents in this state and in America who believe they have a Parental Right to send their children to public schools so they can learn respect for all, how to treat those with differences with dignity, and how our long struggle as a society for equality and justice continues with our youth. A vast majority of American parents have a right to want their children equipped for the challenges and opportunities ahead and to attend well-funded public schools. A vast majority of American parents have a right to see their kids head off to the future following opportunity, to explore, learn, to keep an open mind and an open heart. A parent has a right to home-school their kids, send them to a religious school, or an academy, a charter school, an online school or other option – a zealous minority does not have some exclusive right to impose discriminatory policies on not just LGBTQ youth, but to all other students and parents who seek a just education system.
The Governor is not an imaginative sort, apparently, as this type of policy is a cookie cutter from other states where politicians want to appeal to a malicious strain in the American electorate energized by Trump. It is a sickening policy approach, designed to punish an at-risk minority, and to put an authoritarian thumb on public school teachers and public education. Guess who is emerging as a major fan girl in the State House? Representative Jamie Allard. Shocker. Maybe the Man Without a Caucus Rep. David Eastman will hoot and holler in support. The bill will surely get airplay in the House, and the would-be discriminators will fill hearings with their sanctimony while those already dealing with discrimination will respond with factual accounts of discrimination. (Like for instance, the Alaska State Commission for Human Rights deleting equal protections for LGBTQ Alaskans against most categories of discrimination on the advice of the State Attorney General, and refusing to investigate complaints.)

The fight for LGBTQ protections in Alaska and nationally has been long-standing, and the struggle continues today. From attacks on our LGBTQ youth, particularly trans youth, in schools and extracurricular sports, to the Dunleavy Administration’s attacks on workplace protections and privacy for LGBTQ Alaskans – our leadership has made clear they do not see LGBTQ people as their constituents – but as a problem to attack. Alaskans do not take these attacks lightly. We stand committed and will fight to ensure policies like these are defeated. We are grateful for partners like Planned Parenthood Advocates Alaska and Native Movement, tracking these policies and working with our elected leaders to secure protections. You can take action now by calling the Governor’s office (907-465-3500) or emailing your representatives and telling them that Alaska is no place for hate and signing on to Native Movement’s letter. LGBTQ Alaskans deserve better; and have the right to live free from bigotry and oppression. And we will fight to ensure it is so.

In solidarity,
The Alaska Center

The always changing moods of Juneau

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]Greetings from Juneau – It was calm and clear when we arrived by night, sunny the next morning, then a front moved in the next day with wind and light snow that swept off the eves in great somber flags. By evening this had turned to rain, and the snow removal equipment was busy moving sloppy snow around the streets. Two-wheel drive cars performed their usual icecapade dances down the steep streets near the capitol, veering, sliding, and spinning out.
The talk in the capital this week was at first on education funding, and then the Senate Majority released their plan to bring back a defined benefit pension program for new and existing state workers. There was a rally for gun safety legislation on the capitol steps. No gun safety legislation has been filed, and few legislators want to make it an issue this year, though a red flag law bill was introduced last year. Education funding and the pension plan will remain the foundation of discussion and negotiation throughout the session and likely into next year. The new House Republican Majority – with many members holding gavels for the first time in their legislative careers – has been likened to a group of people out on the open ocean building a ship as they go along, much less supplying it with provisions or charting a course.
By the numbers – with moderate Bush Caucus Democrats and Independents and a moderate Republican or two in the House Majority combined with the House Democratic minority and the Bi-partisan Super Majority in the Senate, the votes are there to pass some form of pension reform and provide a much-needed boost to our education system’s funding. The committee chairmanship in the House is what greatly complicates the equation. The chairs of the House Education, House State Affairs, and other key standing committees wield power to stop these efforts in their tracks, consigning them to the graveyard of bills or holding them as a ransom for whatever far-right policy is on the caucus wish list. That there is a huge problem because the House Majority has not articulated a vision or a policy platform of any coherency, so it is hard to tell what end-of-session horse-trading might look like.
We are here mainly to talk about our democracy platform – opposition to the repeal of Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) and support for broad omnibus elections bills that include ballot curing and postage paid by mail envelopes. We have met with numerous Senators, Representatives, Staffers, Communications folks, Lobbyists, and Passers-By and have not heard from anyone that the bills seeking to repeal RCV stand a chance. We expect some traction this year on SB 19, elections legislation sponsored by Senator Kawasaki. We bet that SB 19 will pass this year from the Senate to the House. In the House, the bill has to go through the House State Affairs and the House Judiciary committees and Judiciary is chaired by Rep. Vance, who is an election denier, sponsor of an RCV repeal bill, and generally not a lawmaker you want within a hundred yards of any election policy discussion.
We also circled back from our previous visit with lawmakers regarding our clean energy priorities, including a Renewable Portfolio Standard, a state Green Bank, the extension of the Renewable Energy Fund, and legislation to grow Community Solar installations (or Gardens, as we prefer to call them) in Alaska. Good News Flash! We expect a Community Solar bill to be introduced very, very, very soon, and the House and Senate bills to extend the Renewable Energy fund are hurrying through the process like formula one race cars. Both are idling now in their respective Finance committees, the last pit-stop until passage.
We will update you next week when the vibe and the weather have changed a hundred times over.
As always,
The Alaska Center

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In the shadow of the clean energy wave

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]Since the passage of the federal Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) last summer, there has been a sense that a great tsunami is brewing, originating in Washington D.C. (at the Department of Treasury, Department of Energy, Environmental Protection Agency, and other solemn bureaucratic bunkers) rumbling and growing and about to sweep across the nation with transformational power.
In the interim between the passage of the act and the process of developing rules and programs to implement the IRA, skeptics have filled the void with dark muttering about the cost (while ignoring the cost of the Trump tax cuts and ignoring the cost of doing nothing on climate change) and the States, Local Governments, Tribes, Utilities, Nonprofits and others who will see the benefit have endured a vague worry that they are not doing enough to prepare, not hiring enough grant writers and researchers and/or creating programs that can receive federal funds.
We know the following is about to roll across the nation: $9 Billion in Home Energy Rebates, $1 Billion in Energy Code Assistance, $14 Billion in Clean Energy Business Loans, $ 9 Billion in Energy Grid upgrades, $1 Billion for Affordable Housing, $7 Billion for Clean Transportation, $277 Billion in Energy Tax Credits, $27 Billion for the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, $3 Billion for Environmental Justice Block Grants, $12 Billion for Rural Energy Assistance, $2.6 Billion for Coastal Climate Resilience programs, and $7 Billion for various other clean energy initiatives. Soon programs associated with these pots of money will start to take shape, and that is when we will begin to see the impacts of this most historic investment.
On Feb. 14, the Environmental Protection Agency rolled out its plans for the $27 Billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund with a goal to open up competitive funding rounds this summer for two separate programs – a General and Low Income Assistance competition and a Zero Emissions Technology Fund competition. Also recently, the Department of Energy created the Office of State and Community Energy Programs to implement programs flowing from the IRA and the previous Bipartisan Infrastructure Law.
Don’t expect to go to sleep in an unjust, carbon-belching world and wake up in an electric futurama where environmental equity is solved. The IRA is going to take time. Probably the benefit of many programs will not be fully realized before the next presidential election. While it is up to the Biden Administration to tell the story of the clean energy, clean transportation, clean jobs, and resilient infrastructure, the environmental justice in the IRA, the transformation spurred by the IRA will well outlast this administration and the subsequent foreseeable administrations.
Some things will be realized sooner than later. The energy tax credits alone, with the provision that nonprofit utilities can receive a direct payment for renewable energy generation – this will completely transform the economics of the construction and operation of grid-scale wind, hydro, and solar in the near term. We also know right now that those paternalistic Boomer tropes about petroleum being the lifeblood of the American economy will soon be shaken, and soon, with the rumblings of the oncoming clean energy tsunami.
You can get involved as soon as next week! On Feb. 22 at 3 PM, the EPA will hold a listening session to hear ideas from community-based organizations and grassroots energy and environmental justice organizations to create an effective and equitable Home Energy Rebate program. >>> Register here
On Feb. 23, 9 AM, the EPA will hold a similar listening session but for equity-focused implementors and advocacy organizations. >>> Register here
Reach out to your lawmaker and Governor Dunleavy and ensure they know that you support their efforts to create programs in Alaska that can utilize the firehose of federal funding.
Take care,
The Alaska Center

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Don’t let the sun go down on the Renewable Energy Fund

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The Renewable Energy Fund (REF), when passed by the AK Legislature in 2008, was one of those rare Kumbaya policies that was approved by a unanimous vote. This was at a time when the Legislature was showered by a windfall of revenue from skyrocketing oil prices (combined with a new progressive tax structure) while outside the shower curtain, constituents were holding pitchforks and shouting, beset by the highest cost gasoline in the whole United States of America. The REF intended to fund renewable energy projects to help lower the cost of living in Alaska. The fund would be capitalized annually for a five-year period to the tune of $50 million per year.

Since its inception, the REF has proven to be an effective and important tool to get funding out on the street toward renewable energy projects. Check out the deets in this handy Quick Facts[!] sheet. The process behind project selection is insulated from political interference by the Renewable Energy Fund Advisory Committee, a body established by the REF legislation to review proposals and make recommendations to the Alaska Energy Authority, which reviews, approves, and passes the approved project along to the Legislature for approval. This helps assure the project benefits are spread out to communities statewide.

When the Legislature passed the REF, it was for a five-year period with a “sunset” at the end. Sunsets are applied to most boards and commissions in Alaska. The reason for a sunset is to provide an incentive for the Legislature to take action within a specific time frame if they want the entity to continue. If an extension is not granted before a sunset date, whether intentionally or not, the Legislature causes the entity to go away. It can be revived from oblivion in a subsequent legislative session though creating a program is often more challenging than simply extending a termination date. In 2012 a vote was taken to extend the sunset to 2023. And here we are, looking on as the sun falls on the silhouettes of future wind energy generators across the state.

Thankfully, lawmakers still largely approve of the REF. That is why a bill was filed last year to extend the sunset (it ran out of time before the end of the Legislature), and another bill has already been filed this year. SB 33 extends the REF to 2033. Sponsored by Anchorage Senator James Kaufman, it was introduced in January and referred to the Senate Resources and Senate Finance committees. We support this bill and encourage our readers to send a quick note to Senator Kaufman supporting the REF.  On that note, The Alaska Center and our partners in The Alaska Climate Alliance were in Juneau this week meeting with the new legislature, with REF extension as one of the top clean energy priorities.

If the bill does not move forward, all is not lost. There are shenanigans the Legislature can pull – such as attaching the sunset extension to another piece of legislation pertaining to renewable energy. In the past, sunsets have been amended into other legislation containing sunset extensions for unrelated programs. There are lots of avenues to keep the REF going. Considering the influx of federal funding with an emphasis on a clean energy transition, it would be both practical and wise for the Legislature to renew the REF.

Hopefully, the new Majority in the House will play along, and not spend their entire tenure in control tilting at windmills like the proposed repeal of ranked-choice voting.

Here’s to hope!

The old vintage rock band is back together in the House

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This week, an old pattern emerged in the State House – a Republican majority created through the addition of the Bush Caucus Democrats and Independents. News broke Wednesday morning that the razor thin Republican majority conference appeared to coalesce. Western and Northern AK Dems agreed to help make what appears to be at least a 23-member majority. This structure has been in place for most of the legislatures since the early 1980s, since the famous legislative coup in the 12th State Legislature. Such longevity makes one marvel at how unique the majority Democratic Tri-Partisan (Democrat, Republican, and Independent) body that ran the House between the 30th and 33rd legislatures was.

The rise of the oil industry in Alaska created Republican rule, and the decline of the oil industry is making way for dynamic political arrangements. This is an oversimplification and is mostly true.

The formation of a Republican/Bush Caucus majority in the House doesn’t represent a solid return to the played-out extractive narrative, just a pit-stop on the way to the future. For reassurance, one just has to look over to the state Senate where a massive 17-member Bipartisan Majority has formed thanks to the Ranked Choice Voting citizens initiative that tossed a hand grenade into party-run primaries and opened the door for more moderate candidates. While the Governor now has an ally in the House, the Senate will be a formidable backstop against anything too wacky. And who knows, the House Majority will see the wisdom in focusing on the same items as the Senate has chosen to rally around: decreasing high energy and healthcare costs, improving teacher and public employee retention, and providing adequate education funding. It is not a radical agenda by any means.

Early statements by the apparent Speaker-Elect, Cathy Tilton, hint at a willingness to dust off the report of the Bipartisan Fiscal Policy Working Group. Some fairly far-out players on the right flank could easily blow up any policy effort deemed too moderate or progressive. The Democratic Caucus left outside the majority are now free to loudly oppose weak-sauce fiscal efforts. The House will need steady communication with the Senate and strong leadership if they are going to make headway on fiscal issues.

The Governor will have an outsized influence on the House leadership, and what this wild-card Governor wants to do is anyone’s guess. It could be he wants to provide unrealistic permanent fund dividends; it could be he wants to have the permanent fund invested into boondoggle projects in Alaska, like a natural gas line. We just don’t know. A second term gives him some breathing room from future elections – unless he is planning for a run for U.S. Senate sometime. Either way, he has four years to think about it and about his “legacy,” for what that’s worth. Without a mega-project or a spiffy new building as a reminder of his greatness through the ages, a decaying fleet of Marine Highway ferries and a considerably declined state population might be the relics of his rule.

We hope that this is the year everyone decides to work on a few things together and does them well enough with the tools at hand. It is not asking for a lot. Let’s think practical and hope big. Baby steps, Alaska!
Stay tuned,
The Alaska Center

The Early Birds

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Bills submitted for early release before the session begins (also known as prefiled bills) can offer some hints about those issues that are burning in a lawmaker’s mind. They do not indicate an overall trend for the legislative session, and there is no preferential treatment for bills simply because of their release date. The early release does not guarantee or even indicate success. The beauty of a prefiled bill is that they exist in silence before the legislative session convenes, so they are on a pedestal, isolated, and have a glow for a short time. As soon as the legislature gavels in on 1/17/23, a whole noisy crowd of new bills hits the field, and the pre-filed bills are just bills among other bills jostling for approval.

The first round of prefiled legislation was released on January 9th, and the second round was released today. From what we have seen so far, the repeal of a popular citizen’s initiative is high on the agenda for some lawmakers. Three separate, far-right lawmakers have introduced bills to repeal Ranked Choice Voting and Open Primaries. These bills intend to ensure that political parties regain some of the king-making power that they were stripped of when the citizens of this great state decided that closed/partisan primaries were generating too many extremist politicians. A system like Ranked Choice Voting and open primary elections could temper this trend toward extremism, so Alaskans voted in a bold new system. Considering the Senate President and Senate Majority Leader’s success is partially owed to RCV, despite Republican party opposition, the chance that this item on the Republican Party’s wish list (repeal of RCV) passes the legislature is slim to none and most probably none.

While many lawmakers throw bills into the ring to fulfill campaign promises and appeal to their base voters, some still take a pragmatic approach, focus on actual problems, and propose bills to solve them. Senator Scott Kawasaki has crafted SB 19 with what appears to be elements from a compromise bill that was gaining some steam at the end of the last legislature. There is a provision in the bill that would require all by-mail ballots to have a postage-paid return envelope and a provision that allows a voter to “cure” or correct an identifier or address mistake that would otherwise cause their ballot to be invalidated. To appease those on the right who think there is a giant problem with ballot “harvesting” or the collection of ballots by a third party, SB 19 puts sideboards on the practice and makes it a crime if one fails to meet a set of criteria in collecting ballots. The bill also establishes a free online ballot tracking website where people can go to “confirm that the voter’s ballot has been sent by the division; track the date of the ballot’s delivery to the voter; confirm the division’s receipt of the voter’s ballot; determine whether the voter’s certificate has been reviewed; and determine whether the voter’s ballot has been counted.” If this provides voters peace of mind, we are all for it. If it calms the intentional fever dream of stolen ballots that the right still harbors, even better.

One proposal that we are glad to see among the early bird bills is SB 17, legislation that would establish limits for political contributions. Our contribution limits were already overturned by the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruling for being too low. Last year, the legislature proposed a bill to increase the contribution limit. This bill did not pass, so last year was an election cycle where unlimited contributions were allowed. This situation leaves our politics vulnerable. Those who can contribute more should not be able to have more of a political voice than those who cannot contribute. We know that the oil and gas industry has an outsized influence on politics in Alaska because they invest heavily in political races. We need to be sure that our lawmakers’ victories are not, in essence, “purchased” by extremely wealthy individuals. We need honest campaign limits in the spirit of the $500 level established in the 2006 citizens initiative approved by 73% of the voters.

Every legislature promises a blend of new ideas, promises, old ideas, good and bad ideas, half-formed or ill-conceived ideas, potential ideas, and so forth. Whatever the idea, it is out there to be poked and prodded and molded by 60 different lawmakers, and then if it is lucky enough to make it through the process, it must stand before the Governor for final approval. We know that these first few bills are calling upon us to take special heed of them, and we are excited to see what else lies ahead.

A New Year In Youth Engagement

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[cs_content][cs_element_section _id=”1″ ][cs_element_layout_row _id=”2″ ][cs_element_layout_column _id=”3″ ][cs_element_text _id=”4″ ][cs_content_seo]With each new year comes new opportunities. Many of us sit down with family, friends, and loved ones to make resolutions: exercise more, eat better, and scroll less. With these resolutions, we want to build a better, brighter future for ourselves. But what about our communities? What resolutions can we make this year to build ourselves and each other up? The answer lies with the present and the future. It lies with young people.
Young people are the next generation of community leaders. They are coming into leadership now through elections, organizing, and programs like AYEA. Although young people are ready to harness their voices and work for their communities, they are frequently left out of vital decision-making. Corporation CEOs, Governors, United States Senators, and people in power making money from big oil avoid facing youth who bear the burden of climate change and climate anxiety. In Alaska, where the arctic is warming at double the global average and communities face more extreme impacts of climate change, this issue is particularly prevalent. Alaska’s teens deserve the tools, the network, and the hope to leverage their power against these giants and create a bright future for themselves and their communities. You can help them access it.
This past fall, 12 young Alaskans gathered in Anchorage for AYEA’s annual Youth Organizer Summit to imagine a better future together. Youth Organizers chose and began to plan their statewide project to protect & increase Alaskans’ access to local food through action & education. Throughout the pandemic and as climate change impacts worsen, the challenges surrounding food access and Alaska’s supply chain have become increasingly evident and extreme, showing that food security and access are significant issues across the state. AYEA Youth Organizers hope to make a difference for their local communities and Alaska through their ongoing project. They have big plans this next year. They will build out local AYEA chapters and raise awareness around the issue of food insecurity and access by bringing attention to food costs and access in rural Alaska. Collectively they will uplift the stories of those most impacted, learn and teach about traditional foods and subsistence practices, provide hunter training, and build greenhouses and community gardens. They will continue their advocacy throughout the year, culminating in Juneau during our annual Civics & Conservation Summit.
As our ocean rise, our climate becomes more extreme, and our food systems destabilize, leaders continue to invest in false solutions. It’s time leaders prioritize youth. It’s time they hear the facts and face the truth.
Alaska Youth for Environmental Action will be helping young people make their voices heard in Juneau at the 2023 AYEA Civics & Conservation Summit. The Civics & Conservation Summit is a unique opportunity for Alaskan teens to travel to Juneau, learn more about the AK State Legislature, connect to their representatives, and impact the passage of bills. The summit breaks down barriers between delegates and the Alaska State Legislature. By focusing on specific bills within the current Alaska State Legislative session, delegates will gain communication, advocacy, and civic participation skills. The summit culminates with constituent meetings between delegates and their legislators – when they can advocate for the bills and topics they care about!
Alaska’s young people are smart, creative, and passionate. With the tools, network, and support they deserve, young people can leverage their power and influence positive change for their communities. Any Alaskan teen 13-18 can apply to attend the summit themselves, and adults are encouraged to nominate delegates.
The new year is a time to be hopeful, and there’s good reason to be. At The Alaska Center, we work with inspiring, brilliant young Alaskans working tirelessly towards healthier, happier communities. It’s hard not to be hopeful. Help us kick off AYEA’s 25th year to a great start, and know that you are an integral part of the fight for a better tomorrow. Join us this year in making a new resolution: to support Alaska’s youth in becoming our next generation of community leaders and changemakers. 

P.S. Make good on your promise by nominating a young person today as a delegate to the 2023 Civics & Conservation Summit, March 17-21 in Juneau.
Nominate a teen by Jan 7th, apply to be a delegate by Jan 15th, or learn more at ayea.org or by emailing [email protected].
The Alaska Center

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Climate Progress Ahead

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There is a thread in these facts. Joe Biden is arguably the most aggressive president on climate we have had, and this administration has shepherded through Congress the most significant investment in clean energy our country has ever seen. A national party has a majority in the U.S. Senate and will hopefully treat climate change as the dire threat it is. Alaska just elected the first Indigenous Alaskan woman to Congress who knows first-hand the impacts of climate change on northern lands, waters, and communities. The Governor, no great champion of Salmon or Democracy, has put forward bold renewable energy policies in the past and is compelled to diversify energy sources by a looming Southcentral natural gas shortage bearing down.

Similarly, major electric utilities are awakening to the fact that they must quickly diversify. The State Senate has organized a moderate bi-partisan majority with the goal of driving down energy costs as a key pillar of the coalition. While the State House has yet to organize, it will be hard for any majority to oppose further clean energy investment and legislation if it helps drive down costs for Alaskans. If we mind the connections, progress seems inevitable – but that is never the case. Progress will take a lot of work, a lot of voices, and a little time.
The Alaska Center understands that there are enormous resources now available to states, local governments, and utilities from the Inflation Reduction Act and that the political stars are fairly aligned. For our climate-oriented legislative priorities we will be working to pass a suite of state legislation that will move the needle on climate impacts. Our top priority is a bill that authorizes and provides clear guidelines for community solar projects. We will also be working with a coalition of organizations to pass legislation that sets a renewable portfolio standard for railbelt electric utilities, creates a clean energy investment bank, and extends the Renewable Energy Fund to facilitate utility-scale renewable energy projects.

All Alaskans should have access to the cost reductions and pollution reductions available to those with the financial means to take advantage of residential solar. Alongside individual and large-scale solar, Community Solar is a way for everyone to benefit from solar energy, even if they cannot afford or install a solar PV system. An array is built, and residents, from homeowners to business owners to organizations, can invest in the array. The production of that array will be reflected in our energy bills. This array can be managed by a utility or a community for off-grid regions and villages. Electric utilities like Chugach and Homer Electric Association have come close to adopting versions of community solar programs. We believe that providing a clear statutory framework for utilities and the Regulatory Commission of Alaska to follow will provide for community solar arrays in underserved communities.

Electric utilities in Alaska have been told by the sole provider of natural gas in Southcentral Alaska that long-term natural gas contracts will end after 2024. This injects instability into future budget forecasting for utilities, and monopolistic control of the gas supply generally guarantees utility customers will pay increased premiums for the cost of power from natural gas. A renewable portfolio standard bill must be re-introduced to push our utilities toward the inevitable and the cost-effective: more renewable energy, lots more, and fast. When Congress passed the Inflation Reduction Act this year, they authorized a provision that non-profit rural electric cooperatives across the nation have sought for years – direct payment equivalent to the federal tax credit that for-profit utilities and Independent Power Producers claim. This means that our utilities have significant federal backing for numerous shovel-ready renewable projects, which also deeply undercuts the utility manager’s argument that individual utilities cannot afford a massive transition to renewables and battery storage. As envisioned by the Governor last session, a renewable portfolio standard would have utilities reach 80% renewable generation by 2040. We will be working to see this framework pass the legislature.

Our other policy goals align with and will help our state achieve the 80% goal. Reauthorization of the Renewable Energy Fund (REF)-due to sunset this year, will maintain an essential space for new utility-scale renewable projects to be vetted and funded. Funding for the REF has lately been derived from the earnings of the Power Cost Equalization endowment. When the state was flush with oil money, the REF was capitalized by appropriations from the general fund. We must maintain a way to provide direct grants for large-scale renewable projects as we simultaneously mandate that utilities incorporate more renewable energy.

Alaska needs a clean energy investment organization to help coax the private lending industry into making low-interest loans for large-scale energy efficiency projects, clean transportation, and clean energy programs. The Inflation Reduction Act authorized the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund (GGRF), a $27 billion clean energy deployment bank housed at the Environmental Protection Agency. The GGRF is the largest single pot of funding enacted in the IRA. It gave EPA broad discretion to invest in clean energy technologies through Green Banks (entities that leverage public funding to attract private financing and advance green energy or energy efficiency projects). We will be working this session to ensure a state office is established to take advantage of federal GGRF funds, a significant portion of which is designated for investment in underserved communities.

The Biden climate investment, favorable political conditions in Alaska, decreasing natural gas supply and price certainty, and the upcoming legislative session are primed for clean energy progress.

2023 can be the year for clean energy progress in our state if we keep pushing our leadership to enact policy that works with and for all Alaskans.

To the future!